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Indo-Myanmar Border: Manipur Naga, Mizo Outfits Oppose Fencing

The Manipur Naga outfit UNC resents border fencing, while Mizo students’ body MZP wants the earlier free movement regime back.
indo-myanmar border

A signpost in a border village in Nagaland. Image Credit: Subhash Malkoti

Kolkata: The issue is a single one, but two organisations are voicing their opposition to the Union Home Ministry substantially tightening the free movement regime (FMR) obtained a year ago and commencing work on a modest scale to fence the India-Myanmar border in Manipur, which is under President’s rule since February 13. The two opposing organisations are – United Naga Council (UNC), the apex body of Nagas in Manipur, and Aizawl-based Mizo Zirlai Paw (MZP), a Mizo students’ association.

The UNC has voiced its opposition through its directive of January 27 to its ‘vulnerable field units’. The directive is strongly-worded; it prescribes dos and don’ts and includes a warning. MZP, on the other hand, has sent a memorandum to the Union Home Ministry which for the most part reads like an appeal, but nonetheless cautions the Centre against infringement of the rights of indigenous communities and deplores that their right to maintain cross-border relationship is being ignored by the “world’s largest democracy”.

In the last week of December 2024, the Centre tightened the rules for movement of people from either side of the border in India and Myanmar. Movement of people was restricted to 10 km from 16 km under the FMR. Apart from shortening the distance, a series of residence proof-based procedures were introduced and issuance of ‘border pass’ was prescribed.

The responsibility for superintendence over the new arrangement was assigned to Assam Rifles, the border security and counter-insurgency force that operates under the Indian Army in Manipur.

A stay of up to seven days has been allowed. A border pass is to be issued to only one adult and minors, below 18 years, have to be accompanied by parents. Details of a maximum number of three children can be captured in a single border pass belonging to either parent. Border pass holders have to submit their biometrics and local authorities have to verify the address. A total of 43 entry/exit points have been identified, half of which are operational and the remaining are to be operationalised in phases.  

Before the 10-km limit was enforced in the last week of December 2024, the limit was 16 km and residence proof-based documentation was minimal. It may be mentioned that FMR, which in its current form facilitates entry without visas and passports, started as a formal system in the 1950s and movement on either was allowed for as much as 40 km. The official intention was to allow tribes who share familial, social and ethnic relations on both sides of the border to keep in touch. It was not called FMR officially then.

The security situation in that part of the country started becoming complicated as a number of insurgent groups surfaced, and then there was a stage between 1990s and 2000s when there were growing incidents of drug trafficking, arms smuggling and frequent movement of insurgents in large numbers through the India-Myanmar border.

Myanmar had become the base for insurgents to receive training in arms before they re-entered India to mount terror attacks. New Delhi, which had been reviewing the security aspects regularly, decided in the course of 2004 to reduce the FMR limit to 16 km and permit tribespeople to cross the international border only through three designated points – Pangsau, Moreh and Zokhawthar in Arunachal, Manipur and Mizoram, respectively. (New Delhi’s intention, made public by Home Minister Amit Shah in February 2024 was to get FMR scrapped by the External Affairs Ministry and preparatory to that his ministry would suspend operation of FMR. In fact, at one stage the Manipur government, utilising its powers, had for all practical purposes suspended operation of FMR for a limited period. Finally, the Centre opted for severe restrictions. It did not scrap FMR. It appears the restrictive regime is being termed as scrapped FMR by the protesting sides).  

The UNC’s directive of January 27 to its field units cautions that no activity related to the “purported construction” of border fencing along the “imaginary, artificial” India-Myanmar border will be allowed in the “Naga ancestral homeland”. It requests units and subordinate bodies of council “of the impacted areas to initiate stringent steps to prevent” the said activity at their respective jurisdiction “in unison without fear and favour”. Any individual or organisation found colluding with “the implementing agents for favour .....” will ... “face dire consequences”. It was a continuation of the directives issued on October 29 and November 7, 2024.

The MZP’s memorandum of January 27 to Shah urges New Delhi “to reconsider the decision to terminate FMR and fence the border”. It has contended that FMR had recognised the “deep inter-connectedness of our communities and facilitated cross-border relationships to thrive. It has allowed us to participate in cultural and religious ceremonies, such as, funerals, weddings and traditional rites”. It has fostered youth engagement through local sports and community events. Sustainably harvesting and sharing of natural resources “essential to our livelihood” have been possible because of FMR.

Asked whether MZP had heard from the Home Ministry and how it proposed to pursue the matter, MZP’s general secretary Chinkhanmanga Thomte told NewsClick: “Not yet, a decision on follow-up action will made by our empowered committee. Till then, it’s wait and watch”.

The most pertinent question now is, what will be stance of the Union government. Will it treat the reaction as symbolic protest?

According to informed quarters, the Centre will opt for counselling and convincing them about the necessity of the action taken and proposed. It will leave that task to Governor Ajay Bhalla, whose immediate past assignment was as home secretary, a post he held for almost six years.

But some seasoned North-East watchers think that the tone and tenor of UNC’s directive are pointers to the tough posture of the Nagas in Manipur, in particular, and the Nagas, in general. Nagaland, too, shares a long boundary with Myanmar.

Earlier this month, 21 MPs wrote to Shah seeking a detailed update on the Naga peace process. The MPs said the peace process should not be relegated to bureaucratic manoeuvring. They also pointed out that there was no full-time interlocutor for negotiations since 2021.The MPs’ initiative has been lauded by the Isak-Muivah faction of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland.

For the record:  India shares a 1,643 km boundary with Myanmar, the break-up of which is: Manipur – 398 km, Arunachal – 520 km, Nagaland 215 km and Mizoram – 510 km. In Manipur, five districts share the boundary. These are: Churachandpur, Chandel, Kamjong, Tengnoupal and Ukhrul.

The writer is an independent journalist based in Kolkata, West Bengal.

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