BJP Lays Siege On Delhi’s AAP Govt.
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There is more to the alleged incident of AAP MLAs assaulting the top bureaucrat of Delhi than meets the eye. The facts of the incident itself are not clear. What is undisputed is that Anshu Prakash, chief secretary of Delhi was attending a meeting at the chief minister’s residence on Monday night and that besides Prakash and Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, at least 11 other persons were also there, most of them MLAs of AAP.
Like Rashomon, there are various versions of what happened next. Prakash says the meeting was about advertisements proposed by the Delhi govt. that he had not cleared for publication while AAP says that the discussion was about disruptions in the public distribution system caused by malfunctioning of the Aadhaar linked identification system. Prakash says he was assaulted by people present including one MLA while AAP says there was no assault just some heated discussion. Prakash filed an FIR with the police alleging assault, conspiracy etc., AAP MLAs filed their own complaint saying Prakash hurled casteist slurs at them.
But the story is not really about the incident, which of course, needs to be investigated impartially. What this incident really represents is the complete chasm that exists between the AAP govt., elected by a massive mandate in 2015 in the teeth of a Modi wave, and the BJP which swept to power at the centre in 2014 and has never really been able to swallow the humiliating drubbing given to it by people of Delhi in the Assembly elections a year later.
Since its election, the Kejriwal led govt. has been systematically hounded by the BJP led Central govt. through diverse means. In this tussle, Delhi’s bureaucracy has also been used as a pawn. In 2015, the Lt.Governor of Delhi was Najeeb Jung and the war between him, as the representative of the central govt., and the AAP govt. erupted straight away.
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Jung appointed Shakuntala Gamlin as the acting chief secretary even though Kejriwal had objected to her, including alleging that she was close to power discoms. Later, turning down AAP’s proposal of appointing Ramesh Negi, the KG appointed K.K.Sharma as the chief secretary. Then they clashed over the appointment of the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) chief. Kejriwal proposed S.S.Yadav but Jung rejected him and appointed M.S.Meena.
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In December 2015, over 150 DANICS officers went on mass leave on the eve of the odd-even plan. Kejriwal called them “B-team of BJP”. In 2016 too IAS and DANICS officers passed a resolution protesting against humiliation of officers. Deputy CM Sisodia accused them of playing politics while Kejriwal said that they were being used by PM Modi to target AAP.
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In 2017, relations between Delhi’s bureaucracy and the AAP govt. have steadily deteriorated. AAP MLAs demanded jail terms for officials in charge of de-silting of drains for failing to do their job. Action was sought against Ashwini Kumar PWD principal secretary and Kejriwal asked chief secretary Kutty to start proceedings against him.
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Kejriwal accused Kutty of taking orders from BJP after the metro fare hike. The AAP supremo also alleged that 90% of IAS officers don’t work and development work was “stuck in the secretariat”.
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Delhi Jal Board CEO Keshav Chandra was also in AAP’s firing line over alleged irregularities in tendering process for 14 sewage treatment plants.
Undoubtedly, AAP’s style of functioning, and perhaps its own vested interests, may have rubbed the powerful bureaucracy the wrong way. But there can be no doubt that a hostile phalanx of the bureaucracy has been putting the brakes on AAP, whether in connivance with the BJP or not.
This would be an insufferable condition for any chief minister because in India, just as in the UK and elsewhere, the bureaucrats wield immense make-or-break power. And in Delhi, with its peculiar Constitutional status as a Union Territory with legislature, and with limited rights for the state’s elected govt., this power becomes even greater.
So, while assaulting is unpardonable and if true, must be punished by due process, the role of Delhi’s bureaucracy in the past three years has also been highly questionable.
After the Delhi High Court’s order in 2016 that ultimate power in Delhi vests with the Lieutenant Governor, AAP’s vociferous campaign against the central govt. and its representative the LG turned mellow. But it must be recalled that while hearing the Delhi govt.’s petition challenging the HC order, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court had observed that the LG should observe “Constitutional statesmanship” in dealing with the Delhi govt. which has after all been democratically elected by the people. The apex court also rejected the argument put forward by the Centre’s counsel that the LG is the real administrator of Delhi, and said that disagreements between the LG and the state govt. should not be trivial or contrived.
The BJP’s central govt. appears to have given little heed to this caution by the Supreme Court and continued to back the bureaucracy in its game against the AAP govt. It has pounced on every opportunity given by the volatile AAP govt. and it’s MLAs – and there have been many such occasions – to obstruct or restrict the state govt.
With just over one year left for the Modi govt. at the Centre, and with an ever increasing pile up of grievances against it, perhaps the BJP is becoming desperate and seeking to finish off the capital’s AAP govt. The recent Election Commission verdict against 20 AAP MLAs in the office of profit case, and the looming bye elections to these seats would also be preying on BJP’s top managers. If that is the case, AAP’s needs to tread with caution. As shown by the municipal election results, AAP may have to pay a high price if it is seen as only involved in brinkmanship with BJP, with less attention to issues facing the people.
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